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Richard Gutierrez argues that the Basel Convention has not yet vanquished insanity and ruthlessness in the toxic waste trade and calls for true partnerships to forge sustainable solutions |
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I think the economic logic behind dumping a load of toxic waste in the lowest wage country is impeccable and we should face up to that... I've always thought that under-populated countries in Africa are vastly under-polluted. Lawrence Summers, 1991
... Perfectly logical but totally insane... a concrete example of the... social ruthlessness and arrogant ignorance of many conventional economists concerning the world we live in.... Such was the Brazilian environment secretarys retort to Mr Summers infamous statement, made when he was the World Banks chief economist. Mr Summers words may not have started the global trade in hazardous waste, but they did express the forces behind it. From its inception, the Basel Convention has had to contend with the insane logic of conventional economics and the social ruthlessness of the waste trade. Any assessment of Basels accomplishments must be gauged on how the Parties have prevailed over these forces.
The 1980s were a decade of liberal markets and increased globalization a breeding ground for waste traders to dump poisons in developing countries. Jolly Rosso, Khian Sea and Koko Beach epitomized the toxic waste trade anarchy of the decade. The Basel Convention was born of this chaos in 1989.
But these diverse groups did not give up. Led by developing countries, they collaborated and established regional bans: by 1992, when the Basel Convention entered into force, more than 88 countries banned the import of hazardous wastes. The partnerships efforts created the momentum for progressive European countries to join in and push for what most thought Basel needed at the outset a global trade barrier against exploiting weaker economies with toxic waste. Thus, in 1994, the Parties decided by consensus to adopt the proposal by the G-77 and China (Decision II/12) to ban the export of all hazardous wastes (including for recycling) from countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) to non-OECD ones; the following year, they instated the ban as an amendment to the Convention (Decision III/1).
This was a titanic achievement. Industrialized countries, such as the United States, Japan and Canada, fought hard to prevent the global ban, but the multi-stakeholder partnership persevered, establishing the global exemplar of environmental justice.
Second, the amount of hazardous wastes being generated around the world must be capped and then steadily reduced. The Convention must address the outrageous fact that 15 years after its adoption this amount has continued to increase. If this continues, Basel will be left fruitlessly pursuing end-of-pipe solutions.
The task ahead is not easy. Once again, a broad and committed partnership involving all civil society is needed. As the Convention works with industry on electronic wastes, it must not abandon its old partners the developing countries and non-governmental organizations but draw them in and give them active roles in arriving at a solution. Reforging such past partnerships is essential if truly sustainable solutions are to be found. The leadership and intimate involvement of developing countries in the Basel Decisions were vital to its past success. The same is needed if new partnerships are to prevail over the waste trades same crazy logic and social ruthlessness.
Richard Gutierrez is the Toxics Policy Analyst of the Basel Action Network. PHOTOGRAPH: Gilles Saussier/UNEP/Topham |
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Contents | Editorial K. Toepfer | Building partnerships, mobilizing resources | Much to discuss, much to do | Delivery time | Adolescence and money problems | Complete the job | Creating synergy | New challenges |
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